Haiti

People

Haiti is a source and destination country for human trafficking. Its history of poverty and inequality has led to practices such as restavek, whereby poor children (usually from the countryside) are loaned by their parents to so-called rich families to be taken care of, while in practice they are subjected to slavery-like living conditions. Haitian migrants, including those travelling to or returning from the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Mexico, the US, or the Bahamas, are often left homeless and stigmatized by their families and society, which leaves them at a higher risk of being trafficked. Children are vulnerable to fraudulent labour recruitment and forced labour, primarily in the Dominican Republic and other Caribbean countries, as well as in South America and the US. The socio-economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has further increased vulnerability to trafficking because of even fewer employment opportunities.

Human smuggling from Haiti has become increasingly common because of the country’s poor economic and political conditions, which provide an optimal platform for smugglers. Along with Guyana, Haiti is considered a primary country of origin for intraregional migration flows. Additionally, Haiti has one of the largest diaspora communities in the Americas, with most living in the US. Weak border control mechanisms, on land and at sea, have made Haiti a point of departure and transit for human smuggling. The primary destinations for smuggled people are the Dominican Republic, the US, Cuba, Chile, Brazil, Canada, the Bahamas, and other South and Central American countries. Meanwhile, the situation in Haiti has become more desperate as a result of political turmoil, relentless kidnappings, and an economic crisis, leading to an increase in boat crossings to the US.

The rise in violence, the increasing power of criminal gangs, and the availability of weapons have led to an increase in extortion and protection racketeering, causing small businesses to cease their activities. Gangs are involved in politics and fundraising activities through the extortion of businesspeople and notables in their territories, particularly targeting businesses that use ports. Violence in Haiti is at an all-time high, as lawlessness has resulted in gangs gaining power and territory, making them the de facto authorities in some areas where the state cannot provide protection or help. Refusal to make extortion payments has led to brutal murders in Port-au-Prince.

Trade

Arms trafficking in Haiti has surged significantly in recent years, leading to an increase in violence and insecurity. Despite the US having an arms embargo on Haiti, firearms continue to flow into the country, primarily from the US itself. NGOs allege that a few families control the illegal arms market with links to American-Haitian arms dealers smuggling arms into the country on airplanes that drop the weapons in the sea or on hillsides or through concealed shipments via containers. Haitian politicians use gangs for political purposes, and state actors are suspected of cooperating with these families to provide arms to criminal groups. Guns also enter Haiti from the Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Central America, South Africa, and Israel, and are used by criminal gangs, which exacerbates the political and economic crisis. Gangs use weapons to consolidate their own protection rackets and political control in Haitian slums, and increasingly in middle- and higher- income areas in certain regions, even providing young boys with weapons in exchange for loyalty. Although a crackdown has been launched on some people involved in the industry, the flow of black-market arms continues to increase.

Counterfeit goods, in particular pharmaceutical products, have long been a problem in Haiti. The situation has worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic and because of earthquakes, with critical medical supplies being seized by Haitian forces. Counterfeit medical supplies and medicines are not new to Haiti, and there have been cases of deaths resulting from the consumption of counterfeit cough syrup that contains diethylene glycol. Counterfeit alcohol is a public health concern, with people becoming sick or dying from methanol consumption. The situation is possibly exacerbated by the government’s inability to control the issue during times of crisis, leaving a vacuum that criminals take advantage of.

The illicit trade in excise goods is a viable source of income for criminal enterprises. The large flow of goods entering Haiti informally without being taxed has not only created tensions with the Dominican Republic but also competes unfairly with domestic products and businesses, depriving Haiti of essential tax revenues. Despite efforts from both governments to reduce these illicit flows, the high level of corruption among border officials allows for this to continue. The most smuggled items are liquor and cigarettes.

Environment

Deforestation and the production of charcoal in Haiti are notable environmental and socio-economic issues. Charcoal is the country’s primary source of energy and accounts for most of the fuel consumed there. Farmers often prefer to clear land to plant cash crops or make charcoal. This practice leads to deforestation, soil erosion, and pollution. Although reforestation projects have been attempted, few have succeeded because of inadequate infrastructure, soil moisture, and tree species not breeding successfully.

Wildlife trafficking is a growing illicit market, although it does not seem to have a large influence on Haitian society. The demand for wildlife comes from abroad, and the poor purchasing power of Haitian inhabitants results in a small local market. Haiti is not a signatory state of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species, indicating authorities’ lack of interest in tackling this crime.

Smuggling of fuel is the most significant illegal activity related to the illicit trade of non-renewable resources because of the shortage of this commodity. Since the country stopped receiving Venezuelan oil, the Haitian government has not been able to supply enough fuel to the economy, increasing incidences of smuggling from the Dominican Republic by transnational criminal networks. Fuel shortages have been recurrent in recent years, but the crisis has taken on a new dimension as gangs have taken control of the roads leading to the country’s three oil terminals. They hijack fuel transport vehicles and demand high ransoms for the release of the drivers. This situation has worsened over time. Extreme poverty in Haiti encourages civilians to attempt to collect gasoline directly from a truck’s tank to resell the fuel, resulting in explosions that cause injuries and fatalities.

Drugs

The drug trade in Haiti is controlled by foreign criminal organizations, often in collaboration with local gangs, which transport and store narcotics in the country. Although Haiti does not have considerable drug consumption or production, the country is considered one of the top countries for drug transit and trafficking because of its numerous uncontrolled points of entry and its internal instability. Haitian security forces currently lack the capacity to challenge traffickers, making the country attractive for drug cartels.

Heroin is often found alongside larger cocaine shipments and is typically stored locally before being shipped to other countries. The cocaine trade in Haiti is facilitated by cooperation between local armed gangs, government officials, and transnational cartels. Cocaine is smuggled into Haiti through various means, including maritime vessels, general aviation, cargo freighters, containerized cargo vessels, fishing vessels, and couriers on commercial aircraft.

Haiti serves as a transit and source country for cannabis. Locally produced cannabis is mainly consumed domestically, but cannabis is also trafficked from Jamaica to the US or the Bahamas via Haiti. Unlike with cocaine, there are no cartels in Haiti trading cannabis, but rather local armed gangs who collaborate with transnational drug trafficking mafias. Haitian and Jamaican organized crime groups exchange weapons for cannabis, with Jamaican gangs using fishers as their smugglers. Although the value of the cannabis market in Haiti is important, particularly in economically underserved areas, its size is not significant. Information on synthetic drug consumption and shipments in Haiti is scarce; however, these drugs can be found alongside cocaine shipments.

Cyber Crimes

Cyber-dependent crimes have become a major topic of discussion in many Haitian newspapers, with the media highlighting that businesses and essential service providers are the most vulnerable targets. However, individuals are also at high risk of falling victim to such crimes. Hacking groups have defaced government websites with political messages in recent years. Because of Haiti’s poverty, violence, and unstable infrastructure, sustained cybercrime capabilities are difficult to maintain outside of tourist and international compounds in Cap Haitien.

Financial Crimes

Haiti is currently grappling with a substantial amount of financial criminality, which is largely driven by corruption. A major problem that Haiti is facing is embezzlement, with billions of dollars being lost to schemes that have siphoned off funds from oil-loan programmes which were meant for social development initiatives. Furthermore, more and more banks are providing e-banking services, which is increasing the opportunities for cyber-enabled financial crime and fraud.

Criminal Actors

Haiti is plagued by a large number of mafia-style armed gangs who exert control over a significant portion of the country. These gangs engage in a range of criminal activities, such as drug and arms trafficking, racketeering, extortion, and turf wars. They perpetrate acts of violence, such as kidnappings, robberies, and assaults, and are responsible for much of the organized crime in the country. Some of these gangs have connections to government actors, and some politicians are accused of actively supporting gang leaders, which suggests that they wield political influence. Over the past years, the growth and expansion of mafia-style groups in Haiti has led to a substantial increase in violence. These gangs have established dominance in certain neighbourhoods, assuming control over vital goods and services that are essential to the population. They have impaired the government’s ability to provide for the population by withholding essential goods like fuel, water, and international aid packages, and then distributing or selling these themselves for much higher prices.

The involvement of current and former state actors in organized crime in Haiti has strengthened existing criminal groups and allowed these actors to profit from their activities. Political actors have supplied armed gangs with weapons and other forms of support to control electoral zones, leading to a shift from political violence to violence attributable to organized crime. Haiti is facing a criminal network problem, which often goes unnoticed because of the prevalence of gangs. These networks are responsible for crimes like aggravated assault and theft, frequently using readily available firearms. In recent years, criminal networks increased their activities, while the government has faced challenges in effectively controlling these groups. Even smaller networks possess weapons and can control neighbourhoods within city limits, making them valuable to corrupt officials and politicians.

Regarding foreign criminal actors, they mainly engage in the cocaine trade and, to a lesser extent, human smuggling, although they have not had a significant impact on the country overall. Foreign actors have traditionally kept a low profile, given the structured criminal network that suits their operational agendas. Haiti’s instability and tragic socio-economic situation have kept it unattractive for transnational criminal groups. Foreign actors are suspected to have been involved in the assassination of President Moïse. In terms of private sector criminal actors, Haiti’s political instability, extreme inequality, and widespread poverty suggest little opportunity for private entrepreneurship, with only a small elite controlling the country’s most profitable sectors. Some of these oligarchs have amassed wealth by exploiting political corruption, poverty, instability, and rampant crime.

Leadership and governance

Haiti is currently facing political turmoil, with the assassination of President Moïse triggering a series of events that further eroded the electoral system and institutions. Currently, there are no elected government officials and the preparations for upcoming elections are progressing at an extremely slow pace, marred by numerous issues. Historical and structural issues have further hindered Haiti’s development, including the paralysis of the transport system, weak production and commercialization of goods, increased food prices, a struggling health system, and poverty. The failure of the state to satisfy basic needs has allowed criminal governance to embed itself in society. Mafia-style groups have taken on the role of quasi-state actors, sometimes at the request of state officials. Additionally, systematic repression, excessive use of force, and arbitrary arrests during protests have contributed to the country’s fragility and a general distrust of the government. Severe corruption has hindered Haiti’s development for years. Despite having laws and institutions to combat corruption, corrupt officials and authorities remain unpunished because the Constitution mandates that high-level officials and members of Parliament be prosecuted before the Senate, not within the judiciary.

Although Haiti has ratified several conventions related to fighting organized crime, arms trafficking, and corruption, its implementation of international cooperation is weak because it is effectively stateless. The country’s relationship with international agencies is challenging, with both sides accusing the other of lacking political will. Haiti has various laws in place to combat organized crime, such as anti-money laundering, firearms, and trafficking laws. However, the legal framework is outdated and deficient in several areas, with low levels of enforcement because of the inefficient judiciary.

Criminal justice and security

Haiti’s ability to combat organized crime is hindered by a judicial system plagued with problems. The executive branch dominates the judiciary, with all appointments made by the justice and public security ministry. Judges are poorly trained, under-resourced, and have low salaries, which makes them vulnerable to corruption. Coordination between prosecutors and judges is lacking, and record-keeping systems are inadequate. Due process rights are frequently ignored during trials, causing human rights issues. Moreover, high costs associated with legal proceedings and limited access to legal counsel make it challenging for common Haitians to seek justice within the country’s judicial system. Furthermore, legal proceedings are conducted in French, a language that most Haitians do not speak. The overcrowded penitentiary system is among the worst in the world, with a substantial number of individuals remaining in pretrial detention and poor conditions leading to widespread malnutrition and infectious diseases.

The police force is overwhelmed by armed groups and lacks the resources to complete investigations, which leads to a culture of impunity in law enforcement. The national police’s response capacity is limited, with few police agents serving the population. The anti-gang unit lacks basic investigative capacity, and the counternarcotic unit is primarily focused on drug trafficking. Corruption is widespread within the police force, with many officers believed to participate in criminal activities or accept bribes from criminals. The police force is weak and underfunded, making it difficult for dedicated police officers to do their jobs. The anti-corruption unit and financial intelligence agency are still not efficient enough to combat corruption effectively. During President Moïse’s term, the politicization of the police force led to several infighting factions, further undermining the police and strengthening gang leaders who carry out their activities freely in the capital’s neighbourhoods and in major cities. Some police officers have even created their own criminal groups, decreasing the power of the police force and increasing the number of gangs on Haitian territory. Police extortion and arbitrary arrests carried out by law enforcement officials are also common in the country.

Haiti’s porous borders and weak controls create an environment that trans-border criminal networks involved in drug and weapons smuggling, document fraud, human smuggling, and human trafficking tend to exploit, including at sea. The minimal maritime interdiction capacity of the coast guard creates a low-risk environment for drug traffickers. Another attraction for criminal groups is the country’s poorly controlled border with the Dominican Republic, which Haiti tends not to police. Although the Haitian National Police formed a border unit to begin to control some border crossings and the sea, they are underequipped and have a minimal ability to carry out their patrol activities.

Economic and financial environment

Haiti is considered at high risk of money laundering because of its lack of effective controls, weak judiciary, and political instability. Although the country strengthened its anti-money laundering laws, there have been few to no prosecutions or convictions, and Haiti was ranked the most at-risk country in Latin America for these activities. The risk of money laundering in Haiti is attributed to increasing political and legal instability, a weak justice system, and the risk of human trafficking. Although Haiti amended its anti-money laundering law, critics argue that the amendment undermined the independence and effectiveness of its Financial Intelligence Unit by bringing it under executive control. Moreover, the country has not demonstrated significant political interest in combating money laundering, and the impunity enjoyed by criminal actors further contributes to the problem. As a result, Haiti has been internationally grey-listed for money laundering.

Haiti, the poorest country in the Americas, is struggling to combat illicit financial flows and promote accountability. More than half of the population earns less than $2 per day, with millions living in extreme poverty. Remittances from Haitians living abroad account for an important share of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). However, the COVID-19 pandemic worsened an already weak economy, which was contracting and facing fiscal imbalances even before the pandemic. Moreover, economic activity has substantially reduced, because of the deterioration of security conditions, which has interrupted supply chains and caused consumer prices to rise. The Haitian government is attempting to improve the situation by establishing a new macro-economic framework to complete an agreement with the International Monetary Fund. However, it is uncertain if the country’s economic situation will improve in the near future, given the deteriorating security situation.

Civil society and social protection

Victim and witness protection is almost non-existent in Haiti, creating an environment of fear throughout society. Despite passing a new anti-trafficking law aimed at providing support and protection for victims and witnesses, it has not been implemented because of deficiencies in the judiciary system. NGOs have taken on the state’s role in providing programmes to protect witnesses and victims, particularly poor women who face deep-rooted gender discrimination and economic disenfranchisement, making access to justice even more limited. Judges have been reported to trivialize rape, forcing victims to relive the trauma. Previous prevention efforts have been unsuccessful because of instability and a lack of resources.

Despite limited civil participation in Haiti, some NGOs are making significant contributions to the country. Journalists in Haiti face various challenges, including lack of funding and institutional support, self-censorship, and limited access to information. Less than a quarter of Haitians have access to the internet, and media outlets often suffer from unreliable power and limited resources. Radio stations, particularly those broadcasting in Creole, are the most popular medium in the country. However, investigative journalists have been kidnapped and even shot dead by armed gangs they were investigating.