How to measure organized crime?
A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index.
Read more on globalinitiative.netCriminal markets
1.80
An assessment of the value, prevalence and non-monetary impacts of a specific crime type.
Human trafficking
1.50
Illicit activity involving coercion, deception, abduction or fraud for the purpose of exploitation, regardless of the victim’s consent.
Human smuggling
1.50
Activities by an organized crime group involving the illegal entry, transit or residence of migrants for a financial or material benefit.
Arms trafficking
2.00
The sale, acquisition, movement, and diversion of arms, their parts and ammunition from legal to illegal commerce and/or across borders.
Flora crimes
2.50
The illicit trade and possession of species covered by CITES convention, and other species protected under national law.
Fauna crimes
2.00
The poaching, illicit trade in and possession of species covered by CITES and other species protected by national law. Includes IUU fishing.
Non-renewable resource crimes
1.00
The illicit extraction, smuggling, mingling, bunkering or mining of natural resources and the illicit trade of such commodities.
Heroin trade
2.00
The production, distribution and sale of heroin. Consumption of the drug is considered in determining the reach of the criminal market.
Cocaine trade
2.00
The production, distribution and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market.
Cannabis trade
2.50
The illicit cultivation, distribution and sale of cannabis oil, resin, herb or leaves. Consumption is used to determine the market's reach.
Synthetic drug trade
1.00
The production, distribution and sale of synthetic drugs. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market.
Criminal actors
1.75
An assessment of the impact and influence of a specific criminal actor type on society.
Mafia-style groups
1.00
Clearly defined organized crime groups that usually have a known name, defined leadership, territorial control and identifiable membership.
Criminal networks
2.00
Loose networks of criminal associates engaging in criminal activities who fail to meet the defining characteristics of mafia-style groups.
State-embedded actors
2.00
Criminal actors that are embedded in, and act from within, the state’s apparatus.
Foreign actors
2.00
State and/or non-state criminal actors operating outside their home country. Includes foreign nationals and diaspora groups.
Political leadership and governance
6.00
The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. Strong political leadership/governance suggests higher resilience.
Government transparency and accountability
5.00
The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities.
International cooperation
7.00
A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime.
National policies and laws
7.00
A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime.
Judicial system and detention
6.00
Refers to a state’s judiciary’s power to effectively and independently enforce judgments on organized crime-related cases.
Law enforcement
5.00
The state’s ability to investigate, gather intelligence, protect and enforce adherence to its rules and procedures against organized crime.
Territorial integrity
5.00
The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities.
Anti-money laundering
3.00
A state’s ability to implement measures to combat money laundering and other related threats to the integrity of its financial system.
Economic regulatory capacity
3.00
The ability to control/manage the economy and regulate transactions (national and international) for trade to thrive within the rule of law.
Victim and witness support
4.00
Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs.
Prevention
3.00
Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime.
Non-state actors
5.00
The degree non-state actors are allowed to engage in OC responses and their roles in supporting State efforts/ as watchdogs to governments.
Political leadership and governance
6.00
The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. Strong political leadership/governance suggests higher resilience.
Government transparency and accountability
5.00
The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities.
International cooperation
7.00
A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime.
National policies and laws
7.00
A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime.
Judicial system and detention
6.00
Refers to a state’s judiciary’s power to effectively and independently enforce judgments on organized crime-related cases.
Law enforcement
5.00
The state’s ability to investigate, gather intelligence, protect and enforce adherence to its rules and procedures against organized crime.
Territorial integrity
5.00
The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities.
Anti-money laundering
3.00
A state’s ability to implement measures to combat money laundering and other related threats to the integrity of its financial system.
Economic regulatory capacity
3.00
The ability to control/manage the economy and regulate transactions (national and international) for trade to thrive within the rule of law.
Victim and witness support
4.00
Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs.
Prevention
3.00
Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime.
Non-state actors
5.00
The degree non-state actors are allowed to engage in OC responses and their roles in supporting State efforts/ as watchdogs to governments.
With few confirmed cases in recent years, the criminal markets for human trafficking and human smuggling appear minor in São Tomé and Príncipe. However, sex tourism has been reported and, in some cases, has led to the sexual exploitation of children. While there are no reports of organized criminal groups, including São Tomé and Príncipe nationals, involved in human smuggling, the country may be a destination for irregular migrants from countries in the region, such as Nigeria.
There are few reports of an illicit firearms trade, and the evidence does not suggest that there is a sizeable or pervasive criminal market for arms trafficking in the country. However, the Gulf of Guinea is prone to illicit flows of arms, drugs and humans, and São Tomé faces a potential threat of arms proliferation and piracy if the security situation in the Gulf deteriorates.
While commercial agro-industrial activities have resulted in alarmingly unsustainable levels of deforestation, there are no reports of an organized crime influence on environmental degradation. However, charcoal and other timber products may potentially be taxed by criminal actors at certain border crossings, which could indirectly contribute to the financing of criminal organizations. Additionally, the country houses a number of species at risk of poaching and trafficking. The most important of these are turtles, as their meat and eggs are a common feature in the country’s cuisine. While the possession, trade and sale of turtle meat have been banned, a market still exists and consumption continues. However, despite a somewhat weak enforcement of regulations, there has been an active campaign against turtle poaching, which is believed to have had an effect. Isolated cases of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing have been reported in the country’s waters. The country has a limited non-renewable resource supply, and as such, there are no reports of illegal trading.
São Tomé and Príncipe has one of the lowest numbers of drug trafficking offences in Africa and drug markets in the country are negligible. Nevertheless, the country’s geographical position renders it vulnerable to some drug flows. Authorities have detected drug traffickers from Nigeria and Brazil using the country as a transit point for cocaine and heroin. These drugs are believed to be en route to other countries in the Gulf of Guinea basin and in many cases, ultimately destined for Europe. Although it is quite limited, the most consumed drug in the country is cannabis. It is believed that there is a small amount of domestic cultivation and that the market is, at least to some extent, controlled by local gangs.
*This indicator was first included in the 2023 iteration of the tool
*This indicator was first included in the 2023 iteration of the tool
The biggest organized crime threat in São Tomé and Príncipe continues to come from external sources, with the largest issue being piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. For instance, remote parts of the island of São Tomé or the Príncipe island can be used as platforms for attacks on ships in international waters. Foreign criminal actors have a presence in São Tomé and Príncipe and continue to manage drug trafficking through the islands. Corruption in the state, and particularly in the judiciary, is an issue with the potential to exacerbate some of the island’s vulnerabilities. Local gangs are engaged primarily in petty crime, including robberies, hold-ups and theft, but have limited engagement with larger criminal markets. Although there are isolated incidents of robberies turning violent, this type of crime is rare. Citizens have in some cases been recruited to work as drug ‘mules’ by foreign criminals.
São Tomé and Príncipe is a democracy with a relatively positive track-record for upholding civil liberties and democratic norms. The government has exhibited some political will to combat organized crime and in 2017 launched the strategic government plan, which includes a number of new measures and initiatives to prevent and combat organized crime. Although perceptions of corruption are moderate, corruption remains a considerable impediment to development and effective law enforcement in the country. While the government typically operates transparently and does not restrict access to information, there is a general feeling of distrust from the population towards state authorities and the integrity of some police officers has been questioned.
São Tomé and Príncipe has ratified most relevant international treaties concerning transnational organized crime. Robust bilateral and multilateral protocols and networks between São Tomé and Príncipe and other states or international organizations have been established. The country is a beneficiary of capacity-building programmes and engages in information exchanges with a variety of partners, both regionally and globally. However, the country’s Constitution prohibits the extradition of its citizens from the national territory. São Tomé and Príncipe has a number of laws pertaining to organized crime and a relatively robust legal framework. The National Assembly approved a new penal code in 2012, criminalizing trafficking and the use of narcotics as well as criminal associations. The penal code has integrated principles, contained in the conventions of regional and international organizations, of which São Tomé and Príncipe is part.
The judiciary is mostly independent, and courts generally uphold standards of due process in criminal matters. However, there have been cases of interference and undue influence over courts as well as corruption within the judiciary. In some cases, this may have resulted in trials dropped against politically connected people. There are a few judicial units in place with the specific aim of countering organized crime, such as the Judiciary Police. While the situation has improved, not least because of international assistance, the police and security forces lack the equipment, capacity and resources necessary to respond to crime in a timely and comprehensive manner. In particular, there is a need for improvement in combating maritime crime, and for this, São Tomé and Príncipe continues to be dependent on Portuguese and foreign vessels and warships. This need is particularly pressing in light of the long coastline and vast maritime borders that are difficult to police and monitor. Overall, oversight of national police, customs and immigration authorities, as well as the military, is adequate. Nevertheless, citizens express high levels of mistrust due to perceived inefficiency and corruption, as well as reports of police being heavy-handed.
São Tomé and Príncipe is a lower-middle-income country. The economy is growing, driven by an increase in tourism services and agriculture in particular. However, as is the case with many other small island states, the economy is isolated and vulnerable to external shocks. Moreover, the country suffers high unemployment and poverty rates. It is not currently an attractive investment destination and private sector development faces some serious constraints. There is little evidence that the country is exposed to large scale illicit financial activity such as money laundering. However, its Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism protocol does not currently meet global standards, and its regulatory and supervisory processes lack the capacity to respond to money laundering and terrorist financing risks, and to enforce financial regulations. While the government is working to address these deficiencies, they continue to be a source of vulnerability for the country. São Tomé and Príncipe is a member of the Inter-Governmental Action Group against Money Laundering in West Africa, a Financial Action Task Force-type regional body.
Although there are some government initiatives to establish protection mechanisms, there are currently no strong and established assistance programmes for victims of organized crime. Moreover, while the strategic government plan contains some crime prevention measures, the country does not have an explicit organized crime prevention policy. NGOs are not restricted from operating, and regularly cooperate with the authorities to address issues such as child labour. Nevertheless, the sector is relatively small, and a lack of funding hampers the ability of NGOs to operate. The press environment in São Tomé and Príncipe is generally free, although the media sector is limited in size and a degree of self-censorship is common.
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The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to 10. The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel.
A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index.
Read more on globalinitiative.net
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This report was funded in part by a grant from the United States Department of State.
ENACT is funded by the European Union and implemented by the Institute for Security Studies and INTERPOL, in affiliation with the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime.
The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State.