How to measure organized crime?
A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index.
Read more on globalinitiative.netCriminal markets
2.75
An assessment of the value, prevalence and non-monetary impacts of a specific crime type.
Human trafficking
2.50
Illicit activity involving coercion, deception, abduction or fraud for the purpose of exploitation, regardless of the victim’s consent.
Human smuggling
2.50
Activities by an organized crime group involving the illegal entry, transit or residence of migrants for a financial or material benefit.
Arms trafficking
5.00
The sale, acquisition, movement, and diversion of arms, their parts and ammunition from legal to illegal commerce and/or across borders.
Flora crimes
1.00
The illicit trade and possession of species covered by CITES convention, and other species protected under national law.
Fauna crimes
1.00
The poaching, illicit trade in and possession of species covered by CITES and other species protected by national law. Includes IUU fishing.
Non-renewable resource crimes
1.00
The illicit extraction, smuggling, mingling, bunkering or mining of natural resources and the illicit trade of such commodities.
Heroin trade
1.00
The production, distribution and sale of heroin. Consumption of the drug is considered in determining the reach of the criminal market.
Cocaine trade
6.00
The production, distribution and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market.
Cannabis trade
5.00
The illicit cultivation, distribution and sale of cannabis oil, resin, herb or leaves. Consumption is used to determine the market's reach.
Synthetic drug trade
2.50
The production, distribution and sale of synthetic drugs. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market.
Criminal actors
2.50
An assessment of the impact and influence of a specific criminal actor type on society.
Mafia-style groups
1.00
Clearly defined organized crime groups that usually have a known name, defined leadership, territorial control and identifiable membership.
Criminal networks
5.00
Loose networks of criminal associates engaging in criminal activities who fail to meet the defining characteristics of mafia-style groups.
State-embedded actors
1.50
Criminal actors that are embedded in, and act from within, the state’s apparatus.
Foreign actors
2.50
State and/or non-state criminal actors operating outside their home country. Includes foreign nationals and diaspora groups.
Political leadership and governance
3.50
The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. Strong political leadership/governance suggests higher resilience.
Government transparency and accountability
4.00
The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities.
International cooperation
6.00
A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime.
National policies and laws
5.00
A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime.
Judicial system and detention
5.00
Refers to a state’s judiciary’s power to effectively and independently enforce judgments on organized crime-related cases.
Law enforcement
5.50
The state’s ability to investigate, gather intelligence, protect and enforce adherence to its rules and procedures against organized crime.
Territorial integrity
6.00
The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities.
Anti-money laundering
5.00
A state’s ability to implement measures to combat money laundering and other related threats to the integrity of its financial system.
Economic regulatory capacity
5.00
The ability to control/manage the economy and regulate transactions (national and international) for trade to thrive within the rule of law.
Victim and witness support
5.00
Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs.
Prevention
6.00
Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime.
Non-state actors
5.00
The degree non-state actors are allowed to engage in OC responses and their roles in supporting State efforts/ as watchdogs to governments.
Political leadership and governance
3.50
The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. Strong political leadership/governance suggests higher resilience.
Government transparency and accountability
4.00
The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities.
International cooperation
6.00
A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime.
National policies and laws
5.00
A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime.
Judicial system and detention
5.00
Refers to a state’s judiciary’s power to effectively and independently enforce judgments on organized crime-related cases.
Law enforcement
5.50
The state’s ability to investigate, gather intelligence, protect and enforce adherence to its rules and procedures against organized crime.
Territorial integrity
6.00
The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities.
Anti-money laundering
5.00
A state’s ability to implement measures to combat money laundering and other related threats to the integrity of its financial system.
Economic regulatory capacity
5.00
The ability to control/manage the economy and regulate transactions (national and international) for trade to thrive within the rule of law.
Victim and witness support
5.00
Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs.
Prevention
6.00
Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime.
Non-state actors
5.00
The degree non-state actors are allowed to engage in OC responses and their roles in supporting State efforts/ as watchdogs to governments.
There is limited information available regarding the human trafficking market in Dominica. Few cases of potential trafficking out of Dominica have been reported, and the extent to which these constitute human trafficking is in question. Dominica is a potential transit country for victims from Haiti and the Dominican Republic, destined for other countries, such as the US. The town of Portsmouth in Dominica is a potential point of departure, with some residents reporting that Haitians have been lured there with false promises of easy access to the US.
Dominica is also a transit country for human smuggling, but the criminal market remains small and cases are sporadic. It is also a potential stepping-stone for Haitians going to neighbouring Martinique, Guadeloupe or the US.
The criminal market for arms trafficking in Dominica is believed to be sizeable. Dominica is a destination country for illicit arms with rates of gun violence being relatively high by global standards. Firearms tend to come from Venezuela and typically arrive along with shipments of cocaine. Alternatively, the US may also be a source of firearms smuggled into Dominica by Dominican citizens.
There is no evidence of any environmental criminal markets in Dominica.
The primary drug markets in Dominica are cocaine and cannabis. Dominica is a transit country for both destined for other Caribbean islands, North America or Europe. Typically, Venezuelan boats will enter Dominican territory and transfer cocaine to local fishing vessels which bring it into Dominica. After being stored on the island for a short period, Dominicans facilitate the drugs’ journey towards more lucrative markets such as Guadeloupe and Martinique. As with cocaine, Dominica is primarily a transit and temporary storage location for cannabis intended for other countries in the region. Additionally, Dominica is a minor cannabis producer with cultivation occurring in isolated mountainous regions. Most of the marijuana produced is consumed domestically, and evidence suggests that cannabis is by far the most prevalent drug in the country.
Seizures of synthetic drugs are minimal, suggesting that the market is negligible. There is no evidence of heroin consumption or trafficking on the island.
*This indicator was first included in the 2023 iteration of the tool
*This indicator was first included in the 2023 iteration of the tool
While there are no mafia-style groups operating in the country, there are a number of minor domestic gangs in Dominica. Typically engaging in the local drug trade, petty crime and feuds over territory, these groups have a moderately small membership and do not appear highly organized. Transnational criminal actors do not have a large-scale presence in Dominica but have formed relationships with locals. Most importantly, cocaine traffickers from Venezuela have some capacity to oversee cocaine shipments, but generally maintain a low profile and avoid attention from law enforcement.
Dominica is a consolidated parliamentary democracy, characterized by good and accountable governance, respect for political liberties and human rights. Political leaders in Dominica have not prioritized the fight against transnational organized crime but have nonetheless spoken out on the issue. While the Dominican government generally implements anti-corruption laws effectively, perceived levels of corruption are modest with a number of high-profile corruption cases reported, indicating some serious flaws in the country’s integrity framework. The country’s citizenship-for-investment, or so-called golden passport scheme, in particular, has raised the country’s corruption risk.
Dominica has ratified most of the relevant international treaties and conventions for organized crime, including the UNTOC, its three supplementing protocols and two inter-American conventions on mutual assistance against the arms trade. Dominica is generally committed to international cooperation in the fight against organized crime. It has legal provisions that enable extradition for drug trafficking and money laundering offences and promotes the exchange of best practices with regard to the implementation of national drug policies. It also participates in regional coordination activities to combat transnational organized crime, cooperates with third countries, particularly the UK, France and others within the EU, on combating narcotics trafficking and participates in various intelligence forums. Nevertheless, cooperation, particularly around information exchange, with other members of the Organization of American States could be strengthened. The national legislation of Dominica focuses primarily on drug trafficking, but has a number of gaps when it comes to other criminal markets such as human trafficking and human smuggling.
Dominica’s judiciary is independent and generally guarantees a fair trial. However, courts often suffer under-resourcing and understaffing, and consequently case backlogs occur. Dominica’s Stock Farm Prison generally lives up to international standards with no reports of major abuse in the facility. There is no evidence that criminal actors in prison control illicit activity either within the prison or on the outside. Dominica’s law enforcement agencies generally operate professionally, and reports of abuse or corruption are uncommon. Police and specialized units have responded well to the growing threat of cocaine trafficking on the island, but lack of staff and resources constrain the degree to which anti-trafficking efforts can be improved. Despite efforts by law enforcement to combat the use of Dominican territory by traffickers, the island’s vast shoreline and maritime borders make it vulnerable to cocaine flows from South America to other Caribbean islands and to Europe.
Dominica is one of the poorest countries in the eastern Caribbean. The main sources of income for locals are banana production, agriculture and tourism. The business climate is constrained by a number of factors, including judicial effectiveness and investment freedom. However, Dominica has made progress in reducing bureaucracy and the overall cost of doing business.
Dominica is considered an offshore financial centre and potential money-laundering hub. The country has a high presence of anonymous offshore financial institutions with no published beneficial ownership, fraudulent investment schemes and advance-fee fraud schemes. The country’s golden passport scheme may also raise the risk of dirty money finding its way into Dominica. At the same time, the country has updated and strengthened its legislative and institutional frameworks to counter money laundering, and is also active in regional asset recovery initiatives.
While little is known of an actual witness or victim protection programme, funds are allocated to support police, prosecutors and victim restitution. On the prevention side, the government has deployed a community outreach programme on crime and violence. The programme aims to ensure that government officials hold meetings in various communities to provide residents with a voice in order to foster a collaborative effort to reducing criminality. The Dominican authorities have also carried out a number of educational and awareness-raising activities. Additionally, the government has announced its intention to decriminalize the use of marijuana for medicinal purposes. Civil society organizations in Dominica enjoy the freedom of assembly and NGOs are reported to actively participate in numerous social development initiatives. Freedom of the press is respected in the country.
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The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to 10. The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel.
A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index.
Read more on globalinitiative.net
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This report was funded in part by a grant from the United States Department of State.
ENACT is funded by the European Union and implemented by the Institute for Security Studies and INTERPOL, in affiliation with the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime.
The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State.